The end of free education
Nationally we have 29 institutions which have already implemented significant contributions definitely cancel the free nature of education and leading the gentrification of education at a very advanced level. Could be divided into three types of procedures to achieve this form of privatization: the consensus, index and credits.
of consensus can be categorized as procedures implemented in the UNAM, where the application of the definitive agreement will be subject to a community that has been worked for years for this purpose.
indexing, would be to hold a certain level of contributions to the minimum wage or some similar parameter.
of credit, is a procedure which is implemented at the University of Puebla and involves the application of quotas on the basis of claims to which the student enrolls in a school year.
Nationally we have 29 institutions which have already implemented significant contributions definitely cancel the free nature of education and leading the gentrification of education at a very advanced level. Could be divided into three types of procedures to achieve this form of privatization: the consensus, index and credits.
of consensus can be categorized as procedures implemented in the UNAM, where the application of the definitive agreement will be subject to a community that has been worked for years for this purpose.
indexing, would be to hold a certain level of contributions to the minimum wage or some similar parameter.
of credit, is a procedure which is implemented at the University of Puebla and involves the application of quotas on the basis of claims to which the student enrolls in a school year.
In good measure this diversity of procedures determined by the variety of forms of student protest. We know that the schemes mentioned above can be changed or modified so that each institution can see all kinds of proposals. If students are struggling against a schema will try to implement another or if an amendment thereto. Furthermore, this diversity also depends on the type and form of services provided by the Institution to members of their community and abroad.
Therefore the orientation of the slogans of the student movement must focus on the ways that one way or another might assume some kind of charge but against the same collection. At UNAM, for example, no charge for registration but it is by right to a laboratory, a credential, etc.
UNAM is the institution of greater political weight in the overall higher education, however it would be incorrect to believe as many do, that everything that happens outside of it is irrelevant.
STUDENT MOVEMENT TODAY
response student.
privatization reforms are being implemented for quite some time are very advanced compared to the response of the students, who in most cases only aimed at combating one or another result of privatization but not privatization itself this due to insufficient analysis of the problem and organizational dispersion.
The reforms that are in great speeches or college votes are being implemented every day in each faculty and school. The authorities are seeking as usual to give a dye purely administrative reforms to student sectors disguising most backward politically. Is therefore important to rescue the specific without losing sight of the overall dynamic of privatization. Far
the primary objective of the Student Movement (ME), which should be to analyze the problem, disseminate information and organize a unified response, most student groups are aimed at combating one or another feature of privatization and it's not privatization privatization of education is applied in many forms is given from the most insignificant charge for any service, as always, the authorities try to disguise it as a purely administrative change, "to increase fees legalized. Therefore, to avoid falling into a dynamic empiricist to prevent us from seeing beyond the immediate future we must appreciate and distinguish characteristics of privatization without losing sight of the overall dynamics of the process.
One of the main characteristics of the student movement is that students are mobilized themselves only when they are directly targeted to your interests. This is one of the possible scenarios that may occur in the next period in schools and especially in higher education. It is also one of the main challenges for the next period will be to eliminate the authorities' attempts to isolate the struggles and possible unification of the movement and give a more organized and structured as possible.
Thus there are many opportunities that present an unprecedented period of struggle, including work stoppages and strikes in the province, all in a variety of expressions of struggle against the attempts of local authorities struggle to harbor Max. But the central issue is that the student masses tend to break with the logic that has led to isolation in their struggle, hence the importance of linking the struggles of today and the defense of employment. It is essential to implement proposals that exceed the minimum student to be the basis for a link with the struggle of the workers.
experiences, defeats and clashes with authority students will find ways to be effective organization to address such obstacles, however this process is not automatic or conscious and can last a long time if not an alternative appears to make explicit the process.
Looking for an alternative.
The objective factors for a mass struggle in the student movement are more than craps, which is clearly insufficient for the levels of organizational and programmatic approaches in the fight. The crisis of the student movement is the crisis of his leadership, for all that now more than ever needs to be promoted the formation of student committees.
No However as we have said, the processes are not automatic, it is clear that due to lack of confidence they have generated many student organizations regarding the bases, will arise almost spontaneously "organizations" by race, by area. These forms of organization are far from being an alternative and at a given time will have to rise to the need for activist organizations structured as possible.
is clear that the current responsible for the existing student organizations will not, can not or are not aware of what it means to promote a unified movement as currently required. In all groups dominated by purely defense, the role played so far is not at all correct, only very general positions taken: anti ANUIES or ANTICENEVAL, "no privatization" without even one particular approach.
struggle in the People's University Chontalpa, students in protest convened in early June 1998 to the general public to join them. At least in the aspect of unity between the struggle of students and people in general this is an example that should be followed by students in the Midwest.
In the coming period will see a very heterogeneous process of struggles, periods of calm and effervescent action, though only by the experience of the masses themselves can obtain correct conclusions. The fight is against privatization but in each case can be expressed differently.
privatization reforms are being implemented for quite some time are very advanced compared to the response of the students, who in most cases only aimed at combating one or another result of privatization but not privatization itself this due to insufficient analysis of the problem and organizational dispersion.
The reforms that are in great speeches or college votes are being implemented every day in each faculty and school. The authorities are seeking as usual to give a dye purely administrative reforms to student sectors disguising most backward politically. Is therefore important to rescue the specific without losing sight of the overall dynamic of privatization. Far
the primary objective of the Student Movement (ME), which should be to analyze the problem, disseminate information and organize a unified response, most student groups are aimed at combating one or another feature of privatization and it's not privatization privatization of education is applied in many forms is given from the most insignificant charge for any service, as always, the authorities try to disguise it as a purely administrative change, "to increase fees legalized. Therefore, to avoid falling into a dynamic empiricist to prevent us from seeing beyond the immediate future we must appreciate and distinguish characteristics of privatization without losing sight of the overall dynamics of the process.
One of the main characteristics of the student movement is that students are mobilized themselves only when they are directly targeted to your interests. This is one of the possible scenarios that may occur in the next period in schools and especially in higher education. It is also one of the main challenges for the next period will be to eliminate the authorities' attempts to isolate the struggles and possible unification of the movement and give a more organized and structured as possible.
Thus there are many opportunities that present an unprecedented period of struggle, including work stoppages and strikes in the province, all in a variety of expressions of struggle against the attempts of local authorities struggle to harbor Max. But the central issue is that the student masses tend to break with the logic that has led to isolation in their struggle, hence the importance of linking the struggles of today and the defense of employment. It is essential to implement proposals that exceed the minimum student to be the basis for a link with the struggle of the workers.
experiences, defeats and clashes with authority students will find ways to be effective organization to address such obstacles, however this process is not automatic or conscious and can last a long time if not an alternative appears to make explicit the process.
Looking for an alternative.
The objective factors for a mass struggle in the student movement are more than craps, which is clearly insufficient for the levels of organizational and programmatic approaches in the fight. The crisis of the student movement is the crisis of his leadership, for all that now more than ever needs to be promoted the formation of student committees.
No However as we have said, the processes are not automatic, it is clear that due to lack of confidence they have generated many student organizations regarding the bases, will arise almost spontaneously "organizations" by race, by area. These forms of organization are far from being an alternative and at a given time will have to rise to the need for activist organizations structured as possible.
is clear that the current responsible for the existing student organizations will not, can not or are not aware of what it means to promote a unified movement as currently required. In all groups dominated by purely defense, the role played so far is not at all correct, only very general positions taken: anti ANUIES or ANTICENEVAL, "no privatization" without even one particular approach.
struggle in the People's University Chontalpa, students in protest convened in early June 1998 to the general public to join them. At least in the aspect of unity between the struggle of students and people in general this is an example that should be followed by students in the Midwest.
In the coming period will see a very heterogeneous process of struggles, periods of calm and effervescent action, though only by the experience of the masses themselves can obtain correct conclusions. The fight is against privatization but in each case can be expressed differently.
Privatization hits all schools and it determines the need for real unity, not feigned or declarative of the student movement. Combining the general and individuals on a platform of demands to unify the struggles, is a major challenge in the coming period. However, so is the need to build the foundations of a truly democratic organization, and ongoing fighting totally linked to the struggles of farm workers and the city.
A key step in next fight will be the construction of this alternative and from the moment students in each school, each school should take steps for the formation of student committees that meet regularly to discuss the next steps and how to jointly coordinate confront the government in its eagerness to destroy something that has cost workers many years of struggle and many deaths: public education. Enough
ephemeral organizations that last only for a particular political situation or sects that are completely isolated student movement. If we raise the student movement at the height of los acontecimientos debemos construir una organización nacional, permanente, combativa y con un carácter de clase, en la que los métodos, tácticas y cuestiones organizativas sean puntos centrales en la discusiones cotidianas. Este tipo de organización la crearemos con base en las experiencias anteriores y sacando las conclusiones necesarias.
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